The new POTUS is certainly creating chaos from his endless stream of noises. But is Donald Trump really effective?
Notice News on Meta had an interesting observation:
It may seem like Donald Trump is making a lot of deep, fundamental changes to the federal government, but the truth is—he’s not.
Like any president, Trump is fairly restricted by what he can do: by the constitution, by congress, and by the courts.
And while Trump likes to make a big splash announcing stuff and signing his name, most of his biggest moves have been stopped in their tracks.
He backed off a trade war with Canada and Mexico by getting them to agree to demands he already agreed to.
He backed down from a splashy order to stop all federal loans and grants.
And under pressure from a lawsuit, had to severely limit Elon Musk and DOGE's access to the federal payment system.
Trump's most egregious order—to end birthright citizenship guaranteed by the 14th amendment—was declared “blatantly unconstitutional” by a federal judge, and stopped.
Nearly every other overreach has been—or most likely will be—stopped by the courts.
But the media never covers that. Court cases, injunctions, and hearings aren’t big and splashy, so the majority of Americans don’t hear that Trump has been stopped.
All they see or hear is the first headline—not the second or third that Trump’s plan was shut down by a judge.
Don’t believe the hype. Trump isn’t winning. He just wants you to think he’s winning. #resist
Increasingly, the cover of Donny's salesman negotiating ploy is being torn apart. Brendan Weber reproduced an analysis by an adjunct professor in law who teaches negotiation, on Mr Art of Deal's one track negotiation capability:
The best, most cogent and elegantly simple explanation into the inexplicably destructive negotiating processes of the president, by Prof. David Honig of Indiana University.
Everybody I know should read this accurate and enlightening piece...
“I’m going to get a little wonky and write about Donald Trump and negotiations. For those who don't know, I'm an adjunct professor at Indiana University - Robert H. McKinney School of Law and I teach negotiations. Okay, here goes.
Trump, as most of us know, is the credited author of "The Art of the Deal," a book that was actually ghost written by a man named Tony Schwartz, who was given access to Trump and wrote based upon his observations. If you've read The Art of the Deal, or if you've followed Trump lately, you'll know, even if you didn't know the label, that he sees all dealmaking as what we call "distributive bargaining."
Distributive bargaining always has a winner and a loser. It happens when there is a fixed quantity of something and two sides are fighting over how it gets distributed. Think of it as a pie and you're fighting over who gets how many pieces. In Trump's world, the bargaining was for a building, or for construction work, or subcontractors. He perceives a successful bargain as one in which there is a winner and a loser, so if he pays less than the seller wants, he wins. The more he saves the more he wins.
The other type of bargaining is called integrative bargaining. In integrative bargaining the two sides don't have a complete conflict of interest, and it is possible to reach mutually beneficial agreements. Think of it, not a single pie to be divided by two hungry people, but as a baker and a caterer negotiating over how many pies will be baked at what prices, and the nature of their ongoing relationship after this one gig is over.
The problem with Trump is that he sees only distributive bargaining in an international world that requires integrative bargaining. He can raise tariffs, but so can other countries. He can't demand they not respond. There is no defined end to the negotiation and there is no simple winner and loser. There are always more pies to be baked. Further, negotiations aren't binary. China's choices aren't (a) buy soybeans from US farmers, or (b) don't buy soybeans. They can also (c) buy soybeans from Russia, or Argentina, or Brazil, or Canada, etc. That completely strips the distributive bargainer of his power to win or lose, to control the negotiation.
One of the risks of distributive bargaining is bad will. In a one-time distributive bargain, e.g. negotiating with the cabinet maker in your casino about whether you're going to pay his whole bill or demand a discount, you don't have to worry about your ongoing credibility or the next deal. If you do that to the cabinet maker, you can bet he won't agree to do the cabinets in your next casino, and you're going to have to find another cabinet maker.
There isn't another Canada.
So when you approach international negotiation, in a world as complex as ours, with integrated economies and multiple buyers and sellers, you simply must approach them through integrative bargaining. If you attempt distributive bargaining, success is impossible. And we see that already.
Trump has raised tariffs on China. China responded, in addition to raising tariffs on US goods, by dropping all its soybean orders from the US and buying them from Russia. The effect is not only to cause tremendous harm to US farmers, but also to increase Russian revenue, making Russia less susceptible to sanctions and boycotts, increasing its economic and political power in the world, and reducing ours. Trump saw steel and aluminum and thought it would be an easy win, BECAUSE HE SAW ONLY STEEL AND ALUMINUM - HE SEES EVERY NEGOTIATION AS DISTRIBUTIVE. China saw it as integrative, and integrated Russia and its soybean purchase orders into a far more complex negotiation ecosystem.
Trump has the same weakness politically. For every winner there must be a loser. And that's just not how politics works, not over the long run.
For people who study negotiations, this is incredibly basic stuff, negotiations 101, definitions you learn before you even start talking about styles and tactics. And here's another huge problem for us.
Trump is utterly convinced that his experience in a closely held real estate company has prepared him to run a nation, and therefore he rejects the advice of people who spent entire careers studying the nuances of international negotiations and diplomacy. But the leaders on the other side of the table have not eschewed expertise, they have embraced it. And that means they look at Trump and, given his very limited tool chest and his blindly distributive understanding of negotiation, they know exactly what he is going to do and exactly how to respond to it.
From a professional negotiation point of view, Trump isn't even bringing checkers to a chess match. He's bringing a quarter that he insists of flipping for heads or tails, while everybody else is studying the chess board to decide whether its better to open with Najdorf or Grünfeld.”
— David Honig
There are those in fear of his impulsive executive orders.
While there are those in awe of his decisiveness. Quite similar to the attitude of MAGA supporters whose grown impatience with the bureaucrasy of the US government and impediments arising from partisanship.
The reality is positive changes will not be achieved through fear and force on people who believed they are practising democrasy and have no fear to vehemently defend their right to freedom of speech.
Change need be planned and to be managed. Nothing gets done in a state of chaos and instability. More so, all is not well internally with a petition planned by California to pull out of the union.
The situation is too obvious that even a young Malaysian observer can see through and call his bluff.
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