At the 16th Sabah state election, there was excitement over Parti Cinta Sabah led by Tan Sri Anifah Aman. For a newly formed party, PCS had the ambition and audacity to contest in all the 73 seats.
Though failed to secure any seat with the President himself losing at Bongawan in the Kimanis Parliamentary he represented as MP, it was the manifestation of a desire for change by the non-partisan bloc of young, urban and educated voters.
In January 2023, Kinabalu Move attempted to emulate the 2020 Sheraton Move, which toppled PH Federal government, but failed. Eleven BN state assemblymen did not participate and joined the 38 others from GRS, STAR, PBS, KDM, and PH to support Hajiji Noor as Chief Minister.
The assemblymen refused to be part of another coup d'etat, in which the earlier move thwarted by then Chief Minister Shafie Apdal resulted in the snap state election of 2020.
Bung Mokhtar still justify the move, but it signaled younger politicians' reluctance to repeat past habits in favour of rational and stable politics. Progressively generational change politics was coming to light.
Nevertheless, his concern of disunity and continued instability of Sabah politics came about from the latest development of STAR and SAPP leaving the GRS coalition.
However, five out of six STAR assemblymen abandoned Jeffrey Kitingan and his move is viewed as a risky gamble. Talk is STAR may ally with PN, but even 77 year old Jeffrey may not survive Tambunan.
For Yong Teck Lee's SAPP, they could hardly crumble GRS as he had reportedly boasted. For its arrogance, the party is not courted by other coalition. He may attempt Luyang but victory is unlikely. It is an open secret he been seeking a safe seat in a Muslim majority area. The party is destined to go down into the annal of history.
There is consciousness among the new crop of politicians to not only refrain from the toppling game, but also disgust with the old habits for last minute plot twists such as that by STAR and SAPP.
They had to be sensitive to young voters' fatigue with frog politics, notorious in Sabah and repeatedly led to political instability and the collapse of governments. New voters are also turned off by negative politics of defamation, sensationalism, etc.
Many voters, especially the youth, are tired of such politics, and a consensus is building for a generational change as a way to break this cycle and bring in leaders with more integrity and long-term vision.
Predominant young voters
Sabah has a large proportion of young people. According the GRS youth wing, young voters are almost 60% of Sabah’s electorate. While, Election Commission statistics put voters between age of 18 to 39 at 55.2%.
They are large, more vocal, and potentially decisive group, thus parties have an incentive to appeal to them. That could mean more youth candidates, more youth-friendly policy promises, and more positive politics. And, there is a push for new, younger, and cleaner leadership versus the established political figures who have dominated for decades that could strongly resonates with younger voters.
The announcement for one third of its candidate from youth by PAS is bold though they are not likely to participate in the PRN. However, it had its effect on other local parties.
GRS committed to feature many young candidates. For established parties such as Warisan, UPKO, and the Sabah PH coalition like DAP, there is a conscious effort to field more young and professional candidates.
UMNO has already set it in motion in the by-elections and state autonomy should not translate into a different selection criteria than the central party. STAR mentioned of putting young candidates, but there seem to be a caveat for capability, indicating non-committal. It hardly has a youth wing.
Party that refuse a place for its Youth Chief, hardly allow its youth a voice in meeting is destined to be routed out. While parties in the ruling coalition still insist to field the sickly and incapable to walk incumbents are on the doom list with STAR.
So do the party with young leaders faction still vengeful and at each others' throat. A poor showing spells the end for both sides.
Sufficient hints given to figure out the political parties.
Barriers
Generational change have been the talk for quite some time. However, candidate selection is just one part.
Even with younger candidates, the usual multi-cornered fights, alliances, and vote splitting in Sabah election may favor established parties and older politicians. Youth candidates may stand, but their chances of winning depends heavily on the party behind them, their resources, campaign reach, and voter perceptions.
Having more youth candidates or youth faces doesn’t necessarily mean policy change or deeper generational shift. Decision-making power, roles in leadership, and influence over party direction need to shift as well.
A common counter-narrative used by the old guard is that experience in government and knowledge of the system is necessary to effectively administer the state. They will argue that while youth is energetic, they lack the experience to govern.
A complete generational takeover is not guaranteed. There is the enduring power of incumbency to announce projects, disburse funds, and leverage government machinery. Established political figures have deep-rooted patronage networks and resources that new, younger candidates struggle to match.
In many Sabah constituencies, politics is still very local. Voters often support a known figure who they believe can deliver infrastructure and solve immediate local issues, regardless of their age or party. These warlords are well entrenched and difficult to unseat, even for a charismatic young candidate.
The likelihood is for modest, but real generational change with many youth candidates fielded across several parties and youth issues on jobs, education, modern infrastructure, digital economy, etc. be more prominent during campaign. There may be younger faces winning and old names knocked off, but the change is not likely to be sweeping.
Most incumbents and senior politicians will still maintain a strong presence. It really boils down to the extent structural and cultural barriers could limit how far the generational renewal can go in a single election.
If the change realised itself, there will be huge implication for the state elections for Melaka and Johor as well as the 16th General Election. Established political parties need to return to the drawing board.
Even how strong party loyalty is entrenched in the organisational culture, political parties in-denial of the demographic and social change will suffer the consequences.
One Facebooker is of the view that the change does not indicate a swing for more progressive or western liberal ideals, but more localised and emphasis on basic needs over "larger" issues
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Political disunity will spell doom for Sabah — John Lo
In a commentary for Daily Express, former banker John Lo warns that Sabah’s deepening political divisions and self-serving leadership risk undermining economic progress and the state’s future
6 October, 2025 Scoop.com
I CRY over Sabah’s political fragmentation. A major reason for Sabah’s economic problems is the low quality of Sabah’s leaders.
Too many politicians who claim to be leaders are either ignorant of basic economics or have no interest in economic development, or worse, have selfish interests.
Needed urgently are leaders who understand economic development, can produce a realistic plan and implementation strategy. They must grow Sabah’s economy to benefit Sabahans.
Sabah leaders’ focus on the present economic realities in the 2025 election is shallow.
Judging from the current style of campaign speeches and political manoeuvrings, most Sabah leaders are still living in the 1990s, 2000s, at best in the 2010s.
Not realising or refusing to accept the reality that the AI age and the following factors are already realities. Very frightening prospects.
[1] The profile of Sabah voters has undergone substantive changes.
[i] Majority are below 40, many are first-time 18-year +-old voters.
[ii] Much better educated, experts in social media.
[iii] Proactive, no longer accepting lame excuses from politicians, impatient and vociferous in their critiques to the extent of daring to hold public demonstrations.
[vi] The older generation is no longer the determining political force.
Which leader is their hope for their future and addressing their concerns?
[2] Sabah’s economy is undergoing generational transformative change.
[i] The Oil and gas industry is growing rapidly.
[ii] The manufacturing industry is also growing rapidly.
[iii] Tourism has fully recovered from Covid.
[iv] MICE is making steady progress.
[v] Some more investors want to establish new industries.
[vi] Shortage of suitable, qualified Sabahans to fill vacancies is becoming a pressing issue.
[vii] Sabah’s Blue Economy, which is the future for Sabah, is in progress.
[viii] Largest ever inflow of investment. The total of approved and being processed is at RM58b.
Which leader is providing leadership to elevate these opportunities?
[3] Sabah’s financial position is gaining strength.
[i] Revenue is growing impressively, almost double since 2020.
[ii] State reserve is at an all-time high of RM8 billion plus.
[iii] Revenue base has been expanded from RM4b to reach RM8b.
[4] New era of Sabah/Federal relationship.
Increasingly, Sabahans are waking up to the less-than-satisfactory Sabah/Federal relationship. Young Sabahans demand an equitable relationship.
[i] MA 63, including 40% revenue, is being acted on by the Sabah government and SLS [Sabah Law Society].
[ii] SABAR is taking the Federal Government to court over TSA 2012.
[iii] PMX has agreed to increase parliamentary seats for Sabah and Sarawak. Will it be implemented? When?
[iv] Sabah and Petronas have signed the CCA [Commercial Collaborative Agreement] whereby Petronas is obligated to provide jobs/training for Sabahans and participation for Sabah companies. Both have increased tremendously.
[5] National development.
[i] The Political situation in Malaya is very fluid.
[ii] Use of religious, racial bigotries and political bullying is worrisome for Sabahans.
[iii] The federal government is giving insufficient equity for Sabah, i.e. insufficient development fund and representation.
[iv] Sabah has little or no representation in important economic policies and their implementation.
[v] Sabah has little or no representation in Federal GLCs and agencies.
[6] Global development.
Most Sabah leaders seem to be unaware of how Sabah is being affected by global development.[i] Trade war and raging tariffs by the US. China is championing for the Global South countries.
[ii] The multipolar global power system has already become a reality.
[iii] Saddening that most Sabah leaders seem to know hardly anything about Sabah’s increasing geopolitical importance, or leverage it for Sabah’s benefits. Truly like frogs in a well.
[iv] Most Sabah leaders don’t focus on potential economic opportunities on Sabah’s proximity to the rich oil and gas deposits in the South China Sea [Spratly Islands] and to the Philippines, where the US and China are bitterly contesting for influence.
Which leader can provide leadership directions on the above items and others that deserve serious attention as they have huge impacts on Sabah’s economy in the immediate, medium and long terms.
Most Sabah leaders lack interest in looking into Sabah’s following important economic problems.
Instead of childish slandering and accusations, Sabah leaders should focus on issues, in addition to those in item 1 above, that have direct impacts on Sabahans’ life and future generations. Sabah has many such issues to be resolved. Here are some examples:
[1] Mind-set change.
This is the single most critical factor that is blocking progress in Sabah.
[i] Politicians should change their mindset of selfish politics and corrupt practices. They should put Sabah and Sabahans first, not themselves.
[ii] Sabahans must demand high standards of accountability, transparency and respectable behaviour from politicians.
[iii] Sabahans must transform from negativity to positiveness. There must be a heightened sense of ownership of Sabah. i.e. Sabah is ours to protect, don’t let outsiders control us. Less complaining, start grabbing present opportunities and create new ones.
[2] Enhancement of the delivery service system by government departments and agencies.
[i] Average Sabahans are enduring/suffering from endless waiting, delays, procrastinations and indifference. Sabahans are wasting a lot of time and energy chasing for trivial approvals which, in most cases, are routine in other countries.
[3] Food security/sufficiency.
[i] Politicians should have sleepless nights over Sabah’s precarious food security/sufficiency problems.
[ii] Very scary that Sabah is only 21% self-sufficient in rice. Sabah should be 100% self-sufficient with a surplus to export.
[iii] Also frightening that Sabah has zero sufficiency in corn for animal feeds. Sabah is having to import corn from Argentina, Brazil and India when Sabah should be self-sufficient.
[iv] Sabah should compel all oil palm plantations to produce food [meat, vegetables and fruits].
[vi] Where and how can Sabah get food if there is a war in the South China Sea?
[4] Inflation.
[i] The Ringgit in Sabahans’ pockets is shrinking rapidly. RM10 is like RM1 ten years ago. Young families are suffering the most.
[ii] Sabah’s housing, food, and transport are the highest in Malaysia.
[iii] Sabah has the highest cost of living and the lowest standard of living.
[iv] Sabah cost of doing business is too high. Hidden costs and/or costs due to procrastination by bureaucrats are unacceptable.
[5] Competitiveness.
[i] Sabah’s competitiveness is very weak due to low productivity, high cost [especially hidden cost], slow bureaucracy, insufficient logistics, infrastructure, and power. Delays are very expensive!
[6] GLCs and their monopolistic malpractices.
A few GLCs have improved, like SMJ Energy, SCC, SEC, and SOGDC. Many have yet to. These are dragging down Sabah’s economic performance.
[7] Many areas under the Federal need urgent additional funding and service improvements.
[i] Education, health, and management of KKIA, Tawau.
[8] Sabahans must be empowered to retake ownership of our economy.
[9] Neglect, lack of attention to women’s development needs urgent addressing.
Little attention and appreciation for women’s role and their potential in economic development in Sabah.
[i] There should be a Ministry for Women in Sabah after the 2025 election.
[ii] Channel all family/children-related aids to women. Don’t give them to men. Women are better managers; more concerned about family welfare and their children’s future, especially in health and education.
[10] Sabah must strengthen the roles of Sabah’s businessmen/investors, youth and professionals.
[11] Sabah MUST compel the oil palm industry to add value to its CPO. No downstream at all now. Increase land assessment on all plantations with 1,000 acres or more to compensate for their recalcitrance to go downstream.
[12] Sabah leaders must pay special priority to grow Sabah’s private sector. Only a strong private sector owned and controlled by Sabahans can ensure Sabahan economic ownership.
4. Many candidates for the 2025 election are unsuitable to lead. The political disunity of Sabah leaders will doom Sabah.
[1] Sabah has not been blessed with many dynamic leaders in economic leadership. Most of them are for themselves. Their lack of leadership is obvious in their campaign speeches, most of which are devoid of economic sense.
[2] It is obvious at this stage. Many Sabah political leaders are not interested in uniting.
5. Fragmentation before the election. Is unity possible after the 2025 election?
In politics, there is no permanent friend, no permanent enemy, only permanent self-interest.
Will Sabah leaders choose to unite for the sake of Sabahans’ interest over self-interest after the 2025 election?
No unity means Sabah’s future will be bleak. — October 6, 2025
John Lo is a concerned ex-banker
----------------------
Young Voters
John Lo's concern of disunity and continued instability of Sabah politics came about from the latest development of STAR and SAPP leaving the GRS coalition.
However, five out of six STAR assemblymen abandoned Jeffrey Kitingan and his move is viewed as a risky gamble. Talk is STAR may ally with PN but even 77 year old Jeffrey may not survive Tambunan.
For Yong Teck Lee's SAPP, they could hardly crumble GRS as he had reportedly boasted. For its arrogance, the party is not courted by other coalition.
Yong may attempt Luyang but victory unlikely.. It is an open secret he been seeking a safe seat in a Muslim majority area. The party is going down into the annal of history.
There is consciousness among the new crop of politicians to not only refrain from the toppling game, but also old habits for last minute plot twists.
They are sensitive to young voters fatigue with frog politics, notorious in Sabah and repeatedly led to political instability and collapse of governments. New voters are also turned off by negative politics of defamation, sensationalism, etc.
Many voters, especially the youth, are tired of this and see a generational change as a way to break this cycle and bring in leaders with more integrity and long-term vision.
Sabah has a large proportion of young people. According the GRS youth wing, young voters are almost 60% of Sabah’s electorate. Election Commission statistics put voters between age of 18 to 39 at 55.2%.
The young voters are large and potentially decisive group, thus parties have an incentive to appeal to them. That could mean more youth candidates, more youth-friendly policy promises, and more positive politics.
In Sabah, there is a push for new, younger, and cleaner leadership versus the established political figures who have dominated for decades that could strongly resonates with younger voters.
The announcement for one third of its candidate from youth by non-participating PAS had its effect on other local parties.
GRS will feature many young candidates. For established parties such as Warisan, UPKO, and the Sabah PH coalition like DAP, there is a conscious effort to field more young and professional candidates.
STAR mentioned of putting young candidates with the caveat on capability. However it hardly has a youth wing. Party that refuse a place for its Youth Chief, hardly allow its youth a voice in meeting is destined to be routed out.
While parties in the ruling coalition still insist to field the sickly and incapable to walk incumbents are on the doom list with STAR. So do the party with young leaders faction still vengeful and at each others' throat. A poor showing spells the end for both sides.
Sufficient hints given to figure out the political parties.
Barriers
Generational change have been the talk for quite some time. However, candidate selection is just one part.
Even with younger candidates, the usual multi-cornered fights, alliances, and vote splitting in Sabah election may favor established parties and older politicians.
Youth candidates may stand, but their chances of winning depends heavily on the party behind them, their resources, campaign reach, and voter perceptions.
Having more youth candidates or youth faces doesn’t necessarily mean policy change or deeper generational shift. Decision-making power, roles in leadership, and influence over party direction need to shift as well.
A common counter-narrative used by the old guard is that experience in government and knowledge of the system is necessary to effectively administer the state. They will argue that while youth is energetic, it lacks the experience to govern.
A complete generational takeover is not guaranteed. There is the enduring power of incumbency to announce projects, disburse funds, and leverage government machinery. Established political figures have deep-rooted patronage networks and resources that new, younger candidates struggle to match.
In many Sabah constituencies, politics is still very local. Voters often support a known figure who they believe can deliver infrastructure and solve immediate local issues, regardless of their age or party. These warlords are well entrenched and difficult to unseat, even for a charismatic young candidate.
The likelihood is for modest but real generational change with many youth candidates fielded across several parties and youth issues on jobs, education, modern infrastructure, digital economy, etc. be more prominent during campaign.
There may be younger faces winning and old names knocked off, but the change is not likely to be sweeping. Most incumbents and senior politicians will still maintain a strong presence. It really boils down to the extent structural and cultural barriers could limit how far the generational renewal can go in a single election.
If the change realised itself, there will be huge implication for the state elections for Melaka and Johor as well as the 16th General Election. Established political parties need to return to the drawing board.
Even how strong party loyalty is entrenched in the organisational culture, political parties in-denial of the demographic and social change will suffer the consequences.
One Facebooker is of the view that the change does not indicate a swing for more progressive or western liberal ideals, but more localised and emphasis on basic needs over "larger" issues
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